Think Globally, Act Locally

The municipal reforms that came out of the progressive movement were driven by an upward surge of groups pressing for change. The pressure came from multiple sources all at once, so that there was a great effect over-all in making lasting improvements.

In “The Crucible of Class”, it is Stromquist’s position that class conflicts and polarization created an environment in which progressive reforms could happen at the city level. “What was common across many cases was the new political energy for reform that class conflict generated.”¹ There were many groups who were getting changes to happen – labor workers unhappy with conditions, middle-class men entering politics, politicians appealing to the voters… Strikes and protests drew attention. There were newspaper and journal articles – it was in the air and on the lips of the people. So when the timing was right, “these shifting circumstances created openings in which a politically pragmatic working class guided by a distinctive social vision exercised some influence over the direction of reform.”² The same circumstances were windows of opportunity for politicians to rally voters and put through legislative changes.

Flanagan argues in “Gender and Urban Political Reform” that because women viewed the city as an extension of their homes, they were able to advance meaningful progressive reforms. “They sought to solve [municipal problems] by changing the structure of government, reorganizing the urban environment, and reallocating power within it.”³ The dominant approach of women to the problems they saw in the cities was like that of “housekeeping”.⁴ Very practical, and always with the greater good in mind, they worked to find solutions by taking action. Reforms championed by women were successful due to their ability to unite across class lines and to put altruistic motivation ahead of financial gain.

Flanagan and Stromquist both present valid arguments, because the success of the progressive movement came from the wide spread pressure for social and political changes. The fact that all of the 1912 presidential candidates presented themselves as being “progressive” shows that it was a pervasive idea that most people supported. Changes big and small happening close to home, in cities across the nation, made for changes at the state and federal levels. A dam doesn’t break just because of the small crack in it, rather from the combination of the crack plus incredible pressure behind it. In varying circumstances and different cities, the metaphorical “crack” took different forms – whether it was women’s groups or working class uprisings. But because it was happening in cities across the nation, the cracks spider-webbed and connected, causing great chunks of the “dam” to break away and let progress through.

Notes

1. Shelton Stromquist, “The Crucible of Class: Cleveland Politics and the Origins of Municipal Reform in the Progressive Era,” Journal of Urban History 23 (1997): 196, http: http://juh.sagepub.com/ (accessed February 9, 2012).

2. Stromquist, 196.

3. Maureen A. Flanagan, “Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and Women’s City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era,” The American Historical Review 95, no. 4 (1990): 1034, http://www.jstor.org/ (accessed February 9, 2012).

4. Flanagan, 1048.

"The True Issue or ‘That’s What’s the Matter'"

This political cartoon shows United States President Lincoln and Confederacy President Jefferson Davis fighting a tug-of-war over the map of the United States. Lincoln proclaims, “No peace without Abolition." While Davis protests, “No peace without Separation!” General George McClellan is preventing them from completely tearing the map by holding the two other men as he asserts, “The Union must be preserved at all hazards!” Notice that Davis is dressed in shabby clothes, a comment on the degraded economic situation of the South.¹

Currier & Ives, the famous lithographers in New York, created it in 1864, when it also appeared in Harper’s Weekly. Political images were not their focus, and of the fifty or so they created, almost all of them were printed during election years.² They typically portrayed the righteousness of the Northern cause, rather than sensationalizing the “enemy” in the South. This image is unusual for them (and Harper’s Weekly), in that it is pro-Democrat and favorable toward McClellan. Earlier Currier & Ives images of McClellan had been critical of his failures as a military leader.³ By 1864, there was some sentiment that the war had been dragging on without results, and it is reflected in this cartoon. It was an election year, and McClellan was a presidential candidate for the Democratic Party, running against President Lincoln’s bid for re-election with the Republican Party. 

The Democratic platform statement says, “after four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war … that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities” and “the object of the Democratic party is to preserve the Federal Union”.⁴ The statement on the Republican side says, “we are in favor… of an amendment… as shall terminate and forever prohibit the existence of Slavery” and that they are “determined not to compromise with Rebels, or to offer them any terms of peace.”⁵  The text of the cartoon draws directly from the stated platforms of the two parties.

Currier & Ives and Harper’s Weekly were reflecting a growing concern that Lincoln was loosing sight of his oath of office, which he re-stated it in his inaugural address of March 4, 1861 saying it was his solemn oath to “preserve, protect, and defend” the constitution of the United States.⁶ It was beginning to appear as if Lincoln was digging in his heels against the South, rather than preserving the Federal Union.

Notes

1.          Currier & Ives. "The True Issue or "That's What's the Matter"" Library of Congress Home. Harper's Weekly, 1864. Web. 15 Feb. 2012. http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2003656580/.

2.           Glenn C. Altschuler and Stuart M. Blumin. Rude Republic: Americans and Their Politics in the Nineteenth Century. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 2000. Print. Page 135.

3.         "Currier and Ives: The History of the Firm." CURRIER & IVES. Currier and Ives Foundation. Web. 15 Feb. 2012. http://www.currierandives.com/.

4.         Democratic Party Platforms: "Democratic Party Platform of 1864," August 29, 1864. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. Web. 15 Feb. 2012. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=29578.

5.         Republican Party Platforms: "Republican Party Platform of 1864," June 7, 1864. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. Web.15 Feb. 2012. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=29621.

6.         Abraham Lincoln: "Inaugural Address," March 4, 1861. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. Web. 15 Feb. 2012. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25818.

The Developing Idea of Rights

Thinking about the idea of “rights”, I find that I feel it is all talk around defining a social contract for people living together, and that it is useful. For a man alone in the wilderness, it is all nonsense. So I guess I am mostly a utilitarian. A foundational agreement regarding rights is imperative, but where I think we are getting into trouble today in documenting them, is too many words. I agree with Montmorency when he asked that “the declaration be clear, simple, and precise; that it be within the reach of those who would be least able to comprehend it.” (Hunt, Doc. 13) If an article says, “All men are born and remain free…” (Hunt, Doc. 14, Article 1), we can discuss the meanings of the individual words like “men”, and create laws to make them binding, but I think it is counterproductive to pad the wording of the article itself or to have a laboriously long list. Meanings get convoluted and lost. I completely agree with Lafayette’s assertions regarding people’s rights and that they be stated “in truth and precision” (Hunt, Doc. 11, emphasis added by author). The majority of the people in a society are minimally educated and their rights should be defined in such a way that everyone understands. Ideas gain power as they are more widely known and understood, and they are more easily transmitted if the words have the power of simplicity.

T.H. Marshall’s progression of three kinds of rights (civil, political, social) makes sense on first consideration, because in a society that is evolving and becoming more complicated, people want to expand the definitions as they expand their understanding of humanity and highly functional society. But really, it is nothing new. Abbé Raynal used the term “liberty” in the same way. “Natural liberty, civil liberty, and political liberty: that is to say, the liberty of the individual, the liberty of the citizen, and the liberty of a nation.” (Hunt, Doc. 6) Clearly Marshall had read Raynal, and surely Raynal was only reiterating what was discussed in his circles. Marshall’s rights document when the claimed rights were accepted by the culture (civil rights 18^th c, political rights 19^th c, social rights 20^th c), but these had been discussed during the French Revolution. The “Petition of Women” asks that women have a right to access education and fair employment (Hunt, Doc. 9). Condorcet calls slavery a crime (Hunt, Doc. 7). Democratic self-governance was supported by Robespierre. “All citizens, whoever they are, have the right to aspire to all levels of officeholding.” (Hunt, Doc. 17) So you can see that the full breadth of rights and liberties was under discussion, some ideas just did not reach their tipping-point of acceptability until much later.

I have been an expat for four years now, living in France for three and now Canada. There are subtle differences in the language used in each county’s declaration, and they are evidenced in distinct cultural differences after hundreds of years. Just briefly, for example, the US prioritizes personal expression and individuality, as epitomized by “the pursuit of happiness” in the Declaration of Independence.  It is proof to me of the power of words.

Bibliography

Hunt, Lynn. The French Revolution and Human Rights: A Brief Documentary History. Boston: Bedford of St. Martin's, 1996. Print.

"Declaration of Independence - Text Transcript." National Archives and Records Administration. Web. 09 Feb. 2012. <http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/declaration_transcript.html>.

Equiano: of African Birth

I think Olaudah Equiano was born in Africa, and not in South Carolina as some source documents might indicate. There are two reasons that most influence my interpretation of the conflicting evidence of his baptismal record and Arctic Expedition contract.

The main reason is Equiano’s Christian faith and his life-long struggle to live the precepts of Christianity. In The Interesting Narrative, he often tells tales about honesty. For example, when he gave a sailor a guinea to get him a boat for his escape, but the sailor kept the guinea without ever bringing a boat.¹ He experienced deep anguish at being betrayed by those he trusted and it made a deep impression on him regarding moral honesty, like when Master Pascal abruptly sold him.² Honesty was clearly an important issue for him, and I believe that he would not put himself in the public eye as an author and speaker based on a fabricated tale. The Carey Table does not present a moral reason for Equiano’s stance regarding his birthplace.³ It does make the argument that his main motivation was the abolition of the slave trade, and I would argue that it was to be an evangelist, and his particular calling was as an abolitionist. From that motivation, he would not say anything he thought he could get away with, as it would be against his moral character.

The second reason is the circumstances at the times in Equiano’s life when it was recorded that he was born in South Carolina. In The Interesting Narrative, just before he writes of his baptism, he makes several statements about his admiration of the English and describes himself as “almost an Englishman”. He found them superior to his own kind, and held a “desire to resemble them”.⁴ With this prelude, I do not find it alarming that at the time of his baptism he stated his place of birth as South Carolina. As a colony, it was ‘almost English’, like himself. The Carey argument supporting a Carolina birth, states that he was a terrified and traumatized child who was too afraid to speak anything but the truth.⁵ From reading Equiano’s account, as a teenager enamored of the English culture and anxious to be baptized, he does not sound like a frightened child.

When Equiano applied to sail on the Arctic expedition, it would have been in his favor to represent himself as a Creole sailor. “I was roused by the sound of fame,” is how he describes his motivation at the time.⁶ To be perceived as Creole, rather than an ex-slave, would better represent his vast experience and multi-cultural exposure as an Atlantic sailor.⁷

It is too bad that when Equiano refuted the claims against his African birth that he did not directly communicate the reasons for the discrepancies. His narrative fueled the imaginations of the public and improved inter-cultural understanding at a time when it helped to make a difference.

1.             The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano Written by Himself with Related Documents, ed. Robert J. Allison (Boston: Bedford/St Martins, 2007), 99.

2.             Equiano, 97.

3.             Brycchan Carey, "Where Was Olaudah Equiano Born?" Brycchan Carey, http://www.brycchancarey.com/equiano/nativity.htm (accessed February 1, 2012).

4.             Equiano, 83. 

5.             Brycchan Carey, "Where Was Olaudah Equiano Born?" Brycchan Carey, http://www.brycchancarey.com/equiano/nativity.htm (accessed February 1, 2012).

6.             Equiano, 162.

7.             Ira Berlin, “From Creole to African: Atlantic Creoles and the Origins of African-American Society in Mainland North America”, The William and Mary Quarterly 53, no. 2 (April 1996): 251-288, http://www.jstor.org/stable/2947401 (accessed 20/07/2011).

Religion and Spanish Exploration

Religion was central in defining the purpose of Spanish exploration, but not officially at first. In 1492, the monarchs, Fernando and Isabel, were at the end of a long period of war consolidating Spain under the Catholic faith.  The drive to rule under one religion was fluidly transferred to the Spanish expansion, so while the Enterprise of the Indies was initially stated to be an economic venture, it was laden with religious motivation. Years of focusing resources on wars, they were feeling the pressure of falling behind their rival Portugal in the establishment of seafaring routes and maritime trade. Columbus attributed their recent leveraged success to faith in God. "...with very little money you undertook the reconquest of the kingdom of Granada."¹ His implication was that his great undertaking could be successful, if they just continued to follow their faith.

Their chosen champion, Christopher Columbus, was Isabel’s equal in religious devotion and it fueled their purpose. The added support of the Pope, in 1493, brought this to the fore. Bartolomé de la Casas describes Columbus as a devout Catholic who lived piously and believed God would guide him to success.² Columbus’ undated letter to the monarchs quotes Bible passages that bolster courage for the undertaking of the exploration, and he says, “No one should be afraid to undertake any enterprise in the name of Our Savior, as long as it is just and appropriate to his holy service.”³ Casas speaks of him as “everlastingly zealous of the honor of God, and imbued with a burning desire to convert these peoples…”⁴ His contemporaries viewed him as an instrument of God’s Will, chosen by “Divine Providence.”⁵ This illustrates that the centrality of religion in Spanish exploration was widely accepted.

 The contract between Christopher Columbus and the Spanish crown does not make any statements regarding missionary work or religious conversion. Columbus negotiated for governorship of the new lands (a source of income) and titles that would be passed on to his son. In 1502, he wrote that he had secured these things, saying, “Their majesties promise to give me everything that belongs to me and to put Sir Diego in possession of it all as you will see.”⁶

In defining the purpose of exploration, even from the beginning, religion was a latent motivator that shaped attitudes, skewed expectations of success, and shaped foreign policy.

Notes:

1. Geoffrey Symcox and Blair Sullivan, Christopher Columbus and the Enterprise of the Indies: A Brief History with Documents (New York: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2005), 54.

           

2. Symcox, 47-48.

           

3. Symcox, 54.

           

4. Symcox, 48.

5. Symcox, 57.

6. Symcox, 56.

Introductions

Greetings! I am a historical costume designer, mother of three kids in college, and wife to a husband whose career in video games has been moving us around the world lately. My husband and I moved here to Montreal, Canada six months ago after living in Paris, France for three years. I chose ASU for the history program, but also so my studies could move with me during this period of my husband's career. Of course, I hope we will return to Europe...

Twenty-five years ago, I started my history degree at the University of Washington, where I took History of the Ancient World, the Medieval World, the Modern World, and History of the Vikings. Then life and kids happened, but I still love studying cultural history and am excited to be picking it back up again academically. I started with ASU last semester when I took HST306, and really got a lot out of studying the US Civil War. My passion is medieval European history, but it is all interesting to me and I enjoy research. I belong to several historical costume societies in Europe and the US, and hope in the near future to begin contributing my own research for journal publication and conference presentations. I look forward to HST300 and 498 helping me make that transition.